In today's education system, the teaching model oriented towards examinations and centered on teachers still exists. While it enhances examination achievements, it also subjects adolescent students to considerable academic pressure for a long time, leading to prominent mental health problems among teenagers. Maintaining the healthy psychological development of teenagers will gradually become an important issue. This article aims to explore the impact of teacher support on the mental health of adolescents in an exam-oriented education system by reviewing relevant literature. The article outlines the basic concepts of teacher support and classroom interaction and compares the differences in teachers' roles under different teaching orientations and reviews the research progress between teacher support and students' psychological outcomes, and analyzes the possible psychological risks brought by teaching practice in the exam-oriented environment. Finally, the possible paths to promote students' mental health by optimizing teacher support methods in the background of the examination system are discussed to provide references for teaching practice.

As strategic competition among major powers continues to intensify, international institutions are increasingly evolving from platforms for promoting cooperation into tools of strategic rivalry, a trend driven by factors such as the strategic interests of major powers, technological advancements, and interactions between states and private entities. Building on the analytical foundation of the triple mechanisms of "deprivation, decoupling, and counterbalancing" proposed in existing research, this paper integrates the dual perspectives of rational choice institutionalism and social institutionalism to construct a comprehensive theoretical framework for explaining the weaponization of international institutions. This paper argues that the weaponization of international institutions is both a rational strategic choice by dominant states based on cost-benefit calculations and a social process involving the politicized reconstruction of the international normative order. Through the empirical research on three typical cases: SWIFT financial sanctions(deprivation mechanism), technological exclusion under the "Clean Network" initiative(decoupling mechanism), and rule competition in infrastructure alliances (counterbalancing mechanism), this paper reveals the differentiated combination form, interaction mechanism and intrinsic tension of dual logic in different weaponization mechanisms. This paper finds that the evolution of institutional weaponization in nowadays shows an upward trend from "utilizing existing systems" to "creating new rules", from "single-point strike" to "system competition".

The improvement of the governance system is an important adaptation factor for medium-sized powers to join the "Belt and Road Initiative" cooperation. The sound governance system, rule system and implementation capacity are highly consistent with the basic concept of win-win cooperation advocated by "Belt and Road Initiative". It will help to reduce institutional costs and various risks and challenges in international cooperation, and improve the efficiency of cooperation. Chile is a typical representative of a medium-sized power with a relatively perfect governance system in Latin America. Chile is an important partner for China to carry out "Belt and Road Initiative" Latin American infrastructure construction cooperation with stable political situation, complete legal system and clear strategic planning. its railway modernization is the main platform for "facility connectivity" between China and Chile. It centrally reflects the special logic and wisdom of the medium-sized powers participating in the cooperation of "Belt and Road Initiative" with complete system. The author takes the largest single contract of Chilean National Railway Company as the case study object, taking the governance mechanism as the starting point, on the basis of medium power theory and embedded autonomy theory, this paper discusses the governance of the project from three aspects: system docking, interest coordination and risk prevention and control. And contact the literature and cases of friendly relations between the two countries, transnational knowledge transfer, medium-power governance, unification of railway standards, bilateral trade, digital Silk Road, industrial linkage development, foreign investment strategy, foreign governance and so on. This paper reveals the inherent law of Belt and Road Initiative cooperation among medium-sized powers with complete system based on multi-dimensional governance system, and summarizes the replicable experience and enlightenment, so as to provide theoretical reference and practical plan for deepening multi-field cooperation between China and similar countries.

The double standards of the UK in the Indo-Pacific between how it deals with China and Japan are symptomatic of how each country is situated within "international society." This article examines the UK's bilateral policies from 2019 to 2024 through the lens of the English School. The article contends that the UK policy towards China is influenced by pluralist anxieties about the 'us' and 'them'; where issues of boundary maintenance and national security are at play, whereas the UK's policy towards Japan is premised upon solidarist principles of cooperation and partnership and with an emphasis upon projecting UK grand strategy. The article identifies a strategic divergence in the UK's behavior, in particular through its tilt towards the Indo-Pacific, as being representative of different attitudes towards China and Japan as constituted in international society. By tracing the connection between discourse and policy outputs, this article develops a theoretically precise, empirically verifiable framework for the analysis of UK-China and UK-Japan relations and, more generally, demonstrates how the UK's construction of states impacts on its foreign policy.

This article examines the continuity of China's confrontational Wolf Warrior diplomacy and recent arguments about its transition, with a focus on Sino-Japanese relations, drawing on and synthesising existing studies. It is important to examine the roots of China's confrontational diplomacy, and the domestic and strategic incentives behind it, because these reasons shape China–Japan relations, one of the most essential bilateral relationships in East Asia and beyond. This article argues that China's hardening policy toward Japan is an institutionalized mechanism driven by the security needs of an authoritarian regime. This argument is based on the domestic-international nexus, where external frictions, especially around the Taiwan issue, can be framed as security threats and used to maintain domestic legitimacy. When nationalism is mobilized, the domestic political costs of diplomatic moderation and compromise are high, which limit the party-state's flexibility in diplomacy. Japan can be instrumentalized as a convenient target for domestic securitization, while economic interdependence is subordinated to regime survival. With China's internal security needs shaping its Japan policy, the bilateral relationship remains structurally volatile, and China's domestic public continues to be the main audience for its authoritarian diplomacy.