In today's education system, the teaching model oriented towards examinations and centered on teachers still exists. While it enhances examination achievements, it also subjects adolescent students to considerable academic pressure for a long time, leading to prominent mental health problems among teenagers. Maintaining the healthy psychological development of teenagers will gradually become an important issue. This article aims to explore the impact of teacher support on the mental health of adolescents in an exam-oriented education system by reviewing relevant literature. The article outlines the basic concepts of teacher support and classroom interaction and compares the differences in teachers' roles under different teaching orientations and reviews the research progress between teacher support and students' psychological outcomes, and analyzes the possible psychological risks brought by teaching practice in the exam-oriented environment. Finally, the possible paths to promote students' mental health by optimizing teacher support methods in the background of the examination system are discussed to provide references for teaching practice.

As strategic competition among major powers continues to intensify, international institutions are increasingly evolving from platforms for promoting cooperation into tools of strategic rivalry, a trend driven by factors such as the strategic interests of major powers, technological advancements, and interactions between states and private entities. Building on the analytical foundation of the triple mechanisms of "deprivation, decoupling, and counterbalancing" proposed in existing research, this paper integrates the dual perspectives of rational choice institutionalism and social institutionalism to construct a comprehensive theoretical framework for explaining the weaponization of international institutions. This paper argues that the weaponization of international institutions is both a rational strategic choice by dominant states based on cost-benefit calculations and a social process involving the politicized reconstruction of the international normative order. Through the empirical research on three typical cases: SWIFT financial sanctions(deprivation mechanism), technological exclusion under the "Clean Network" initiative(decoupling mechanism), and rule competition in infrastructure alliances (counterbalancing mechanism), this paper reveals the differentiated combination form, interaction mechanism and intrinsic tension of dual logic in different weaponization mechanisms. This paper finds that the evolution of institutional weaponization in nowadays shows an upward trend from "utilizing existing systems" to "creating new rules", from "single-point strike" to "system competition".

The improvement of the governance system is an important adaptation factor for medium-sized powers to join the "Belt and Road Initiative" cooperation. The sound governance system, rule system and implementation capacity are highly consistent with the basic concept of win-win cooperation advocated by "Belt and Road Initiative". It will help to reduce institutional costs and various risks and challenges in international cooperation, and improve the efficiency of cooperation. Chile is a typical representative of a medium-sized power with a relatively perfect governance system in Latin America. Chile is an important partner for China to carry out "Belt and Road Initiative" Latin American infrastructure construction cooperation with stable political situation, complete legal system and clear strategic planning. its railway modernization is the main platform for "facility connectivity" between China and Chile. It centrally reflects the special logic and wisdom of the medium-sized powers participating in the cooperation of "Belt and Road Initiative" with complete system. The author takes the largest single contract of Chilean National Railway Company as the case study object, taking the governance mechanism as the starting point, on the basis of medium power theory and embedded autonomy theory, this paper discusses the governance of the project from three aspects: system docking, interest coordination and risk prevention and control. And contact the literature and cases of friendly relations between the two countries, transnational knowledge transfer, medium-power governance, unification of railway standards, bilateral trade, digital Silk Road, industrial linkage development, foreign investment strategy, foreign governance and so on. This paper reveals the inherent law of Belt and Road Initiative cooperation among medium-sized powers with complete system based on multi-dimensional governance system, and summarizes the replicable experience and enlightenment, so as to provide theoretical reference and practical plan for deepening multi-field cooperation between China and similar countries.

The double standards of the UK in the Indo-Pacific between how it deals with China and Japan are symptomatic of how each country is situated within "international society." This article examines the UK's bilateral policies from 2019 to 2024 through the lens of the English School. The article contends that the UK policy towards China is influenced by pluralist anxieties about the 'us' and 'them'; where issues of boundary maintenance and national security are at play, whereas the UK's policy towards Japan is premised upon solidarist principles of cooperation and partnership and with an emphasis upon projecting UK grand strategy. The article identifies a strategic divergence in the UK's behavior, in particular through its tilt towards the Indo-Pacific, as being representative of different attitudes towards China and Japan as constituted in international society. By tracing the connection between discourse and policy outputs, this article develops a theoretically precise, empirically verifiable framework for the analysis of UK-China and UK-Japan relations and, more generally, demonstrates how the UK's construction of states impacts on its foreign policy.

This article examines the continuity of China's confrontational Wolf Warrior diplomacy and recent arguments about its transition, with a focus on Sino-Japanese relations, drawing on and synthesising existing studies. It is important to examine the roots of China's confrontational diplomacy, and the domestic and strategic incentives behind it, because these reasons shape China–Japan relations, one of the most essential bilateral relationships in East Asia and beyond. This article argues that China's hardening policy toward Japan is an institutionalized mechanism driven by the security needs of an authoritarian regime. This argument is based on the domestic-international nexus, where external frictions, especially around the Taiwan issue, can be framed as security threats and used to maintain domestic legitimacy. When nationalism is mobilized, the domestic political costs of diplomatic moderation and compromise are high, which limit the party-state's flexibility in diplomacy. Japan can be instrumentalized as a convenient target for domestic securitization, while economic interdependence is subordinated to regime survival. With China's internal security needs shaping its Japan policy, the bilateral relationship remains structurally volatile, and China's domestic public continues to be the main audience for its authoritarian diplomacy.

Generative artificial intelligence (AI) has been developed rapidly and applied widely. As AI transforms from a pure tool to an autonomous creator, the issue of AI authorship has emerged as a key challenge to the human-centered foundation of intellectual property law. While some scholars advocate recognizing the authorship of AI to ensure legal certainty and encourage technological investment, this article submits that such a move contradicts the core principle that copyright exists to protect the unique expression of human thought. What's more, this study identifies an important secondary risk that operators often exaggerate the extent of human intervention in the creative process, thereby undermining the normative authority of the law. In response to this issue, this article suggests a shift from the institutional perspective toward a clear public domain. By classifying autonomously AI-generated outputs as shared social resources, the law can effectively prevent the formation of a copyright thicket, aiming to reduce social transaction costs and ensure that the cornerstones of culture remain freely accessible which ultimately seek a balance between innovation incentives and public interests.

While deepfake technology enhances creative efficiency and interactive experience, it is also giving rise to new types of crimes. At present, criminal regulation is difficult to deal with its systemic risks due to structural flaws, and it is urgent to construct a systematic regulatory approach that is both appropriate and operational. During the information acquisition stage, the act of deepfake information collection overcomes the boundaries of citizens' personal information flow, substantially undermining the compatibility between the context and the purpose, and may constitute the crime of infringing upon citizens' personal information. During the technical processing stage, the act of using deepfake technology to process personal information essentially infringes upon the legal interests of digital identity. This can be regulated reasonably and legally by interpreting and applying the crime of illegally using information networks, independently holding the release behavior accountable. In terms of specific application, a hierarchical view of legal interests should be adhered to, and when there is a conflict or overlap between the technical processing behavior and the downstream crime, one should be chosen for treatment. At the same time, it is necessary to establish a hierarchical management responsibility system for network service providers from a comprehensive classification perspective, form a collaborative governance pattern, and achieve a dynamic balance between preventing technology abuse and ensuring innovation vitality.

Illegal immigration at the US-Mexico border has long been a key part of American social and political life. Since 2019, the fourth wave of illegal immigration has hit. It is bigger in scale than ever before, and immigrants come from more countries. This wave has made political divisions in the US even worse. In this situation, the Trump administration's policy was very different from the Biden administration's policy that came after. It made strict and tough immigration rules official. These rules included building a border wall, sending many illegal immigrants back to their countries, and trying to end birthright citizenship. This study looks at this situation. It uses academic books and news reports to find the real political reasons for the big changes in the Trump administration's immigration policy. The study finds three main political reasons for these changes. First, the administration used a security story. It said immigration was a danger to national security, so extreme immigration measures were reasonable. Second, it reacted to the worries of conservative voters. These voters, especially white working-class people, thought their jobs and cultural identity were in danger. The administration did this to keep their support in elections. Third, domestic political divisions and the global movement of resources also pushed the administration to change the policy.

The cross-border insolvency issue is becoming critical in the globalized economy, and the recognition system of China under Article 5 of the Enterprise Bankruptcy Law faces a serious institutional problem. In this paper, the author will analyse a recognition regime that is currently practised in China and presents significant obstacles to international cooperation based on rigid reciprocity and treaty requirements. Based on the implementation of the UNCITRAL Model Law that is applied in Australia, the current study establishes four major institutional weaknesses, including restrictive entry requirements that rely on the principle of reciprocity, as opposed to universalism, inadequate procedural and relief predictability, a lack of court cooperation mechanisms, and vague boundaries of the public policy exception. This paper, based on comparative analysis, demonstrates that the framework of the Model Law used in Australia offers predictable recognition pathways based on the concept of centre of main interests (COMI), automatic and discretionary relief measures and structured court cooperation protocols. The paper ends by giving operational recommendations for China, such as legislative amendments to reduce reciprocity barriers, judicial capacity building to determine COMI, setting up court cooperation guidelines, and clarifying the boundaries of the public policy exception to align with international best practices.

The U.S. CHIPS and Science Act of 2022 incorporates "guardrail provisions" that tie federal subsidies to recipients' pledges to limit semiconductor production capacity expansion in "countries of concern" for a decade, marking a new blend of industrial strategy and geopolitical restraint.This article analyzes the WTO compliance of these provisions by doing doctrinal analysis on SCM Agreement, GATT, and GATS.It claims that the guardrail provisions are de facto prohibited subsidies under Articles 3.1(a) and 3.1(b) of the SCM Agreement, which violates the Most-Favored-Nation obligation under GATT Article I by discriminating against specific Members without treaty authorization.Drawing from the Russia—Traffic in Transit (DS512) panel decision, the article further illustrates that the national security exception under GATT Article XXI does not offer unconditional justification for such actions.Set against the backdrop of the global trend toward "securitization" of value chains, this study adopts a Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) framework to analyze how unilateral subsidies tied to security concerns diminish the policy space for development in emerging economies and reinforce unequal technological hierarchies.The article concludes by suggesting a dual-track strategy that integrates multilateral disciplinary reforms with plurilateral cooperation to preserve the openness of global semiconductor value chains.