This study examines post-disaster reconstruction in Wenging Wa Village, focusing on how the 2021 fire reshaped governance and cultural life in Wengding Wa Village. Using qualitative fieldwork and unscripted interviews, the research conceptualizes reconstruction as a turning point in political authority and cultural visibility of this village. It exhibits that the rebuilding not only centralized decision-making but also rendered village elections more and more procedural, while subsequent tourism corporatization changed the ritual practice into a dual-track system of staged performance and private authenticity. Although governance became more bureaucratic and commercially managed, villagers continued to exercise negotiated agency by separating staged performances from private rituals, maintaining traditional practices within household spaces, and selectively adapting cultural expressions to changing tourism demands.The study demonstrates how disaster recovery can function as a mechanism of authority reconfiguration and cultural restructuring in ethnic minority communities, revealing the complex negotiations between institutional control and local cultural continuity.

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With the accelerated integration of digital platforms into the sports service sector, "sports takeout" has gradually become an emerging business format that meets personalized, instant and scenario-based fitness needs. To reveal its value generation logic and governance problems arising from its operation, this paper adopts the literature review method and logical analysis method to carry out research from three dimensions: platform organization, service fulfillment and risk transmission. The study concludes that through online matching, on-site fulfillment and continuous evaluation feedback, "sports takeout" reduces consumers' time and space costs, improves the accessibility of sports services and the efficiency of supply-demand matching, and can promote the shift of sports services from venue-centered to user-living-area-oriented. However, while platformization and mobilization create more convenient value, they also bring problems such as difficult identification of coach qualifications, difficulty in standardizing service quality, higher safety risk coefficients in non-fixed venues, insufficient personal information protection, and blurred boundaries of platform responsibilities. To promote "sports takeout" from a short-term consumption hotspot to a stable service format, we should take the service chain as the governance object, continuously improve mechanisms such as coach access, pre-class assessment, process traceability, data protection, liability insurance and dispute handling, and better build a collaborative governance system combining government supervision, platform accountability, industry self-discipline and consumer participation.

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Against the backdrop of the reconfiguration of the international landscape following the end of the Cold War, the relationship has shifted from early expectations of cooperation to a prolonged pattern of strategic rivalry. This paper explores why the multiple efforts by both sides to boost their relations failed to achieve substantive progress. Based on defensive realism, it focuses on strategic signaling and credibility as key mechanisms shaping mutual perceptions and the escalation of the security dilemma. Moreover, the study examines how cooperative intentions were communicated and interpreted, and why they were frequently discounted or misread. Methodologically, it adopts a qualitative case-study approach based on key developments from the early post-Soviet period to the first two terms of Vladimir Putin's presidency, supported by secondary literature in international relations. The findings suggest that Russia's signals of cooperation, such as economic reform, military retrenchment, and institutional engagement, were often deemed non-credible in the West due to perceived inconsistencies between external behavior and domestic political trajectories. Conversely, Western policies, particularly NATO enlargement and engagement in the post-Soviet space, were viewed by Russia as signals of strategic exclusion. And these divergent interpretations created a persistent credibility gap, deepening mutual distrust and the security dilemma, and contributing to the long-term deterioration of bilateral relations.

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Ideological and political theory courses serve as the core position for colleges and universities to fulfill the fundamental task of fostering virtue through education, and red culture in old revolutionary base areas is an important education carrier for carrying forward the red bloodline and conducting value guidance. Promoting the creative transformation of red resources based on the national strategy of educational digitalization is a vital path for local colleges and universities to improve the quality and efficiency of ideological and political teaching. Taking the old revolutionary base areas in northern Anhui as the field research object, this paper finds that in the integration process of digital-intelligent technology and local red ideological and political education, there are four practical difficulties: superficial exploitation of red resources, insufficient digital teaching literacy of teachers, disconnected regional digital resources, and imperfect comprehensive education evaluation mechanisms. A review of surveys on classrooms and red venues in multiple universities in northern Anhui shows that most existing studies separate the two topics of red culture and educational digitalization, and there are few empirical achievements specifically targeting northern Anhui that combine field research with implementation measures. Based on Marxist theories of ideological and political education, this paper constructs an integrated implementation path from four dimensions: curriculum, teaching staff, digital platforms and evaluation, which can provide practical references for the digital reform of ideological and political education in colleges and universities in similar old revolutionary base areas across China.

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