With the impact of globalization, business interactions between China and France have deepened continuously, yet negotiation obstacles caused by cultural differences still persist. Based on Edward Hall’s high-context and low-context culture theory and Brown-Levinson’s politeness strategy theory, this paper combines their intersection points and conducts discussions through theoretical analysis and illustrative examples. Focusing on the pragmatic differences between Chinese and French negotiators, it explores three aspects: language, non-language, and "face". It is found that Chinese negotiators are characterized by an indirect, implicit, and interpersonal relationship-oriented communication style under high-context culture, while French negotiators adopt a direct, clear, and task-centered communication mode typical of low-context culture. These differences may lead to misunderstandings between Chinese and French negotiators regarding price, controversial issues, and interpersonal relationship building. In response to the above reasons, this paper proposes a hierarchical solution based on "cognition-strategy-process", namely conducting in-depth cross-cultural training, facilitating bilateral adaptive communication, and establishing cultural buffer zones during negotiations, so as to ensure effective communication channels for Sino-French business negotiations.

The subway system is usually defined as Augé’s "non-place" — a impersonal corridor with only a passing function. However, in Guangzhou, a special media practice known as the "tree hole" is challenging this stereotype. Why can a cold underground transportation network evolve into a warm public space? Taking Guangzhou Metro's "tree hole" as an entry point, this paper attempts to answer this question from the perspectives of spatial production and interaction ritual chains. Unlike previous studies, this paper focuses more on how atomized urban dwellers are reconnected through "embodied" presence and emotional resonance. The study finds that Guangzhou Metro's "tree hole" actually serves as the city's "emotional infrastructure." When people write civilian stories under landmarks such as "Jiahe Wanggang," the sense of alienation unique to modern cities is dissolved, replaced by a sense of identity based on geography and shared interests. This case vividly reveals that in the spatial production of modern cities, emotional communication not only has connection value but also is a key link in maintaining social solidarity.

The modernization process of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) can be understood as a profound practice of the production of space. From "herbal doctors" wandering in mountains and rural areas to TCM practitioners practicing standardizedly in departments of modern hospitals; from family diagnosis and treatment spaces based on kinship and trust to modern medical spaces centered on medical records and institutional contracts. The transformation of practical scenarios clearly marks the trajectory of the reconstruction of TCM's spatial order by modernity. As Henri Lefebvre pointed out, space is a social product. Diachronically, the medical and educational scenarios of TCM have presented a site where traditional relational networks and modern institutional frameworks collide and interweave with each other. The modernization of TCM education particularly embodies this logic: through material carriers such as university buildings, standardized textbooks, laboratories, and clinical teaching spaces, it has reconstructed the spatial topology of knowledge production and inheritance, thereby reshaping the cognitive paths and power relations of the industry in the interaction between materiality and space.